Donkey anaphora is in-scope binding

Chris Barker, Chung-chieh Shan

Abstract


We propose that the antecedent of a donkey pronoun takes scope over and binds the donkey pronoun, just like any other quantificational antecedent would bind a pronoun. We flesh out this idea in a grammar that compositionally derives the truth conditions of donkey sentences containing conditionals and relative clauses, including those involving modals and proportional quantifiers. For example, an indefinite in the antecedent of a conditional can bind a donkey pronoun in the consequent by taking scope over the entire conditional. Our grammar manages continuations using three independently motivated type-shifters, Lift, Lower, and Bind. Empirical support comes from donkey weak crossover (*He beats it if a farmer owns a donkey): in our system, a quantificational binder need not c-command a pronoun that it binds, but must be evaluated before it, so that donkey weak crossover is just a special case of weak crossover. We compare our approach to situation-based E-type pronoun analyses, as well as to dynamic accounts such as Dynamic Predicate Logic. A new 'tower' notation makes derivations considerably easier to follow and manipulate than some previous grammars based on continuations.

http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/sp.1.1

BibTeX info

See also the interactive tutorial about the system in this paper

Keywords


donkey anaphora; continuations; E-type pronoun; type-shifting; scope; quantification; binding; dynamic semantics; weak crossover; donkey pronoun; variable-free; direct compositionality; D-type pronoun; conditionals; situation semantics; c-command

Full Text:

PDF


DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/sp.1.1

Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

ISSN: 1937-8912

Journal doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/sp